Source: Peter Mende-Siedlecki & Jay Van Bavel—New York University
A host of research in psychology suggests that feelings of psychological arousal may be relatively ambiguous, and under certain circumstances, can lead us to make inaccurate conclusions about our own mental states. Much of this work flows from seminal research conducted by Stanley Schacter and and Jerome Singer. If someone experiences arousal and does not have an obvious, appropriate explanation, they may attempt to explain their arousal in terms of other aspects of the situation or social context.
For example, in one classic study, participants were told they were receiving a drug called “Suproxin,” in an attempt to test their vision.1 In reality, they received shots of epinephrine, which typically increases feelings of psychological arousal. While some participants were told that the drug would have side effects similar to epinephrine, others were not informed of the side effects, others were misinformed, and others received a placebo with no arousing side effects. Participants then interacted with a confederate, who was either behaving in a euphoric or an angry manner. The authors observed that participants who had no explanation for their feelings of arousal (e.g., the uninformed condition) were most susceptible to the confederates. In other words, these participants took on the confederates’ emotion (either euphoria or anger) most strongly.
A subsequent study generalized this effect to the domain of interpersonal attraction in a natural setting.2 Researchers had male participants meet an attractive female experimenter by walking across either a high, narrow suspension bridge (high arousal), or a lower, more stable bridge (low arousal). After the participants completed a questionnaire in which they were asked to describe an ambiguous picture, the experimenter provided them with her phone number, which they were instructed to call if they had any further questions. Notably, the men who walked across the arousing suspension bridge provided descriptions with more sexual content, and they were more likely to call the experimenter after the study. The authors concluded that these men misattributed their psychological arousal arising from the bridge-crossing to the interaction with the female experimenter, and subsequently interpreted their arousal as a sign of attraction towards her.
Zanna and Cooper (1974)3 applied these principles to the study of cognitive dissonance. They predicted that people who experience cognitive dissonance, but are able to attribute their psychological arousal towards some other, external influence, would be less likely to change their attitudes about a topic, compared to people who lack a source of external explanation. This work follows in the tradition of earlier research on cognitive dissonance by Leon Festinger in 1962, suggesting that dissonance itself is a psychologically arousing phenomenon, which can be experienced as discomfort or tension.4
The investigation by Zanna and Cooper is based on several principles sitting at the core of social psychology. It draws upon the two-factor theory of emotion, as originally conceived by Schacter and Singer, which suggests that our emotions are a constructed product of the states of arousal we experience and the labels which we subsequently apply to that arousal. Within this framework, misattribution of arousal can occur, in cases where an individual incorrectly interprets their experience of arousal as stemming from some internal or external cause, as a result of some situational factor or factors.
In general, these ideas support a view that we typically lack direct access to our awareness of the mental processes underlying our perceptions and behavior (see Nisbett & Wilson, 1977),5 and also highlight the power of the situation to influence our mental states.
Finally, Zanna and Cooper apply these principles to the study of cognitive dissonance, the idea that in cases where an individual holds two (or more) opposing beliefs or attitudes, they may feel psychological discomfort, and as a result, may be motivated to relieve that discomfort (perhaps through changing their attitudes).
1. Participant Recruitment
2. Data Collection
3. Data Analysis
In the original investigation, the authors observed that participants’ reports of tension were influenced by the side effects that the experimenters ascribed to the drug (Figure 1). Participants in the arousal condition felt more tense than participants in the no-information condition, while participants in the relaxation condition would make them feel relaxed felt less tense than participants in the no-information condition. Moreover, within the no-information condition, participants in the high-choice condition reported feeling more tense than participants in the low-choice condition.
With regards to the attitude change results, the authors observed the classic dissonance result in the no-information condition: Participants in the high-choice condition showed larger changes in their attitudes than participants in the low-choice condition (Figure 2). However, in the arousal condition, there were no differences in attitude change between high- and low-choice. Conversely, in the relaxation condition, the effects of dissonance were exaggerated: Individuals in the high-choice condition showed even stronger evidence of attitude change, compared to low-choice participants.
Figure 1: Reported tension as a function of dissonance manipulation and drug side effect. Participants’ reported feelings of tension are plotted on the y-axis, as a function of both the dissonance manipulation they were exposed to and description of the drug’s side effects that they were given. Confirming the side effects manipulation, participants who were told the drug would make them feel aroused felt more tense than participants in the no-information condition, while participants who were told the drug would make them feel relaxed felt less tense than participants in the no-information condition. Moreover, within the no-information condition, participants in the high dissonance condition felt more tension than those in the low dissonance condition.
Figure 2: Support for adopting the ban as a function of dissonance manipulation and drug side effect. Participants’ support for adopting a ban on inflammatory speakers is plotted on the y-axis, as a function of both the dissonance manipulation they were exposed to and description of the drug’s side effects that they were given. The figure shows an interaction between the dissonance manipulation and the side effects ascribed to the drug. While participants who could attribute their arousal to the drug showed no support for the ban in either dissonance condition, participants in the no information condition showed stronger support for the ban in the high dissonance condition than in the low dissonance condition. Furthermore, when participants expected the drug to produce relaxation as a side effect, this effect of the high dissonance condition was even more pronounced.
Based on these results, the authors concluded that dissonance is, indeed, a psychologically arousing, drive-like mental state. As such, offering participants an external cue to ascribe their arousal to (in this case, the drug, as it was described in the arousal condition) reduced feelings of dissonance, and as a result, diminished the degree to which participants changed their attitudes. While the procedure described above has been employed here specifically as a means for studying cognitive dissonance, it could be modified to serve as a general method for inducing feelings of arousal, and more specifically, for examining the misattribution of arousal.
The overarching implication of studies like the one conducted by Zanna and Cooper in 1974 is that we are profoundly influenced by aspects of “the situation.” Why we may think that we know how we feel (and why we feel it) at any given moment, our mental states are a product of myriad external and internal factors. If you want to avoid feeling nervous before a crucial job interview, maybe avoid the (potentially) arousing cup of coffee. Conversely, perhaps taking a first date to a scary movie will cause them to misinterpret their racing heart rate as a sign of attraction.
More specifically with regards to the science of persuasion, this research suggests that psychological discomfort is a necessary condition for an individual to change their minds with respect to a given belief. Moreover, for attitude change to occur, it may be crucial to ensure that the individual is not able to attribute this discomfort to some other environmental attribute.
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