Source: Peter Mende-Siedlecki & Jay Van Bavel—New York University
Social ostracism is defined as being ignored and excluded in the presence of others. This experience is a pervasive and powerful social phenomenon, observed in both animals and humans, throughout all stages of human development, and across all manner of dyadic relationships, cultures, and social groups and institutions. Some have argued that ostracism serves a social regulatory function, which can enhance group cohesion and fitness by removing unwanted elements.1 As such, the feeling of ostracism can serve as a warning to alter one’s behavior, in order to rejoin with the group.2
Research in social psychology has focused extensively on the affective and behavioral consequences of social ostracism. For example, individuals who have been ostracized report feeling depressed, lonely, anxious, frustrated, and helpless,3 and while they may now evaluate the source of their ostracism more negatively, they will also often try to ingratiate themselves to them.2 Furthermore, it has been speculated that the fear of ostracism is ultimately driven by a strong need to belong and to feel included, and serves as a social pressure leading to conformity, compliance, and impression management.4
In a model developed by Williams (1997), ostracism uniquely targets four core needs— belonging, self-esteem, control, and meaningful existence—triggering negative mood, anxiety, physiological arousal, and hurt feelings.5 In return, to defend against such psychological discomfort, ostracized individuals may attempt to cope by reinforcing these core needs. For example, they may attempt to visibly conform to group norms to reestablish their place amongst the collective.
In the present study, Williams, Cheung, and Choi (2000) developed a novel technique for inducing and studying social ostracism in the laboratory setting. In previous research, participants engaged in an experience of “real-life” ostracism: while playing a five-minute ball-tossing game with confederates, some participants received the ball only a few times towards the beginning of the five-minute period, and then never again.2,6 While this manipulation evoked strong emotional responses of ostracism in participants, the authors decided that it was ultimately an inefficient design, particularly with regards to the roles of the confederates and the training they require. Building on this research, the authors devised a new, computerized version of the ball-tossing task, which became known as Cyberball,3 which is detailed below.
In the design described below, the original authors went to great lengths to characterize the effects of social ostracism on feelings of belonging and conformity, as well as to understand the potentially moderating role of group membership. For example, they included additional conditions designed to serve as experimental controls to ascertain a) participants’ baseline levels of performance, independent of conformity, as well as b) participants’ baseline susceptibility to conformity, independent of exclusion. The latter control allows the experimenter to determine the directionality of the observed effect of exclusion—i.e., does exclusion increase conformity, compared to baseline, or rather, does inclusion decrease conformity? As for the effects of group membership, while these conditions were included in the original study, this manipulation could ultimately be omitted at the experimenter’s discretion, if he or she simply wanted to focus on the impact of social ostracism, independent of group membership.
1. Recruiting Participants
In-Group | Out-Group | Mixed-Group | ||
Exclusion | (1) Excluded from a group composed of two in-group members | (2) Excluded from a group composed of two out-group members | (3) Excluded from a group composed of one in-group and one out-group member | |
Inclusion | (4) Included in a group composed of two in-group members | (5) Included in a group composed of two out-group members | (6) Included in a group composed of one in-group and one out-group member | |
Additional Control Conditions (if desired) |
(7) Participants complete just the perception task, and perform it alone, to determine baseline performance in that task, independent of conformity (see step 11). | (8) Participants complete just the perception task with group responses, to determine baseline influence of conformity pressure, independent of exclusion or inclusion (see step 11). |
2. Data Collection
3. Data Analysis
In the original Williams, Cheung, and Choi investigation in 2000, the authors observed strong main effects of ostracism across three key dependent variables. Participants who were ostracized reported receiving fewer throws, reported feeling lower feelings of belonging, and conformed on a higher percentage of trials, compared to participants who were included (Figure 1).
While the effects of group membership were somewhat more mixed, the authors reported two interactions between ostracism and group membership, one concerning the manipulation check and one concerning feelings of belonging. Specifically, individuals in the in-group condition did not show significant differences between perceived throws received between the ostracism and inclusion groups, nor they differ in terms of feelings of belonging. Nevertheless, participants who were ostracized in in-group groups still conformed significantly more than individuals who were included.
Figure 1: Means for three dependent variables (perceived percentage of throws, feelings of belonging, and percentage of trials conformed to) as a function of the type of interaction (inclusion or ostracism) and group memberships (in-group, out-group, and mixed-group). The figure on the left shows that targets of ostracism correctly perceived that they received less throws. Moreover, the figures in the middle and right show that targets of ostracism reported lower feelings of belonging and were more likely to conform to the unanimous incorrect judgments of a new group.
Based on these results, Williams and colleagues concluded that they had successfully developed a tool for robustly inducing feelings of social ostracism in participants, even without direct face-to-face interaction. Indeed, in their investigation, being excluded over the internet led participants to feel less belonging, and in turn, led participants to conform to the beliefs of a new group of individuals. The authors interpreted this behavior as an attempt to reaffirm feelings of belonging. These results are striking given the relative simplicity of the context of ostracism. Players do not communicate, they cannot see each other, and they have no reason to believe that they will ever interact again. Yet momentary exclusion produces robust affective and behavioral consequences.
Ostracism is a powerful and salient social signal. When we are ostracized, we feel upset, excluded, and unsure of our place in the social hierarchy. As such, we may take steps to restore that place—either by attempting to get back into the good graces of the ostracizer, or by finding new acceptance elsewhere. The Cyberball task represents a robust and efficient means of inducing these feelings experimentally, either through a laboratory set-up, or conducted remotely over the internet.
As the task itself is relatively decontextualized, any number of modifications might be made to any aspect of it (e.g., the instructions, the players, the nature of the ball-tossing interaction) to test various hypotheses. The induction might be used to test various responses to ostracism, both anti-social (e.g., aggression) and pro-social (e.g., ingratiation). The task might be used (and indeed has by some authors) to examine the physiological components8 and neural bases supporting social ostracism.9 Finally, the original authors have suggested that while in its original inception, Cyberball is used to manipulate feelings of ostracism, it might also be used as a dependent measure (e.g., of prejudice or altruism), by focusing on participants’ choices to include or exclude the other players.
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